Monday, October 21, 2019

Pro-life rally


This past weekend, I attended a pro-life rally and march.  It seems that the practice of taking to the streets is not just a historical footnote - it's alive and well in 2019.

A local organization called Northwest Families for Life hosted a pro-life rally and march last weekend.  I don't go to many things like this, so I didn't have very specific expectations, but I assumed it would be fairly small, perhaps a few dozen people.  I underestimated by a factor of 10.  The photo at the top of this post was snapped in the parish gym during the pre-march activities.  My rough estimate is that somewhere between 400 and 500 people attended.  They filled most of the folding chairs, most of the bleachers, and were standing in the back.

I attended as an individual, and my initial plan was to wander in and find a group to hang out with.  I had two possibilities in mind: I'd either find a group of parishioners, or some deacons.  But if any parishioners or other deacons were there, I didn't see them.  However, there was a group of three singers at the front, and I knew two of them, so within seconds I had been recruited as a member of the makeshift folk group.  We sang "We Are Called", "We Are Marching In the Light of God" and "Go Out to the World."  We were also supposed to sing "Amazing Grace", but, in the sort of half-organized spirit that prevailed throughout the event, we never quite got around to that one.

The basic outline of the day was: gather in the parish gym and hear some speakers; then march to a nearby municipal park; then hear more speakers.  The pre-march speakers were pretty interesting.  We heard from the organizer (who did a great job keeping things light and fun), and a couple of priests.  But from my point of view, the two most interesting speakers during this segment were an Illinois House representative from the local area (a pro-life Republican, somewhat of an endangered species among elected officials in Illinois), and a woman from a local parish.  Naturally, the House member talked about pro-life political matters, which are pretty dire in Illinois; the state recently signed into law one of the most comprehensive pro-choice laws in the nation.  We learned that next on the list for pro-choice activists is to repeal the state's parental notification laws for minors.  I support parental notification, so this was good information.

The woman speaker had a considerably more personal story to tell.  As a 13 year old, she had been sexually abused and impregnated by an adult relative.  Her parents got her an abortion; she wasn't given any say in the matter.  She recounted that, as a 13 year old, she knew almost nothing about abuse or pregnancy or abortion, and couldn't have made an intelligent decision even if she had been allowed to weigh in.  (As it happens, the doctor her parents took her to has recently been in the local news: when he died, the remains of many hundreds of aborted children were found, medically preserved, in his Illinois home and the trunk of his car.)  Her testimony to us on Saturday was that the abortion experience, while not medically unusual or problematic, was traumatic to her in ways that she didn't fully understand at the time.  She described it as "worse than the abuse."  Later, as an adult, her life spiraled downward - alcoholism, opioid dependency - and she attributed at least some of this to her abortion experience.  After years of therapy and a spiritual conversion, she was able to overcome this past.  For her, an abortion was something for which psychological and spiritual healing was necessary.

When the speakers (and, I'd like to wishfully think, our music) had everyone suitably fired up, we filed out of the gym and marched off the parish grounds and down one of the main drags of the town, which also is a US highway.  On the way into the event, I had been given a printed sign, about 2' x 3' on heavy stock.  It said "All Lives Are Precious".  A lot of us carried these signs, and I tried to hold it in such a way that it would be visible to drivers.  In addition to these pre-printed signs, there were some very large hand-made signs and banners, and a lot of the children (of whom there were more than I expected) had yellow balloons.  A surprising number of drivers honked as we marched by.  A car horn is kind of an ambiguous thing; it could have meant, "We support your cause", or "Get out of the way, you morons".  We optimistically assumed it was the former.

As I was walking through the parking lot, I noticed that two marchers were carrying a huge sign, held aloft on poles, which said "Trump 2020" on it.  I groaned; I didn't want to be associated with that.  But if you're going to march, you can't always be choosy about your fellow marchers.  In addition to the Trump banner, there were political campaign volunteers armed with clipboards and pens outside the parish hall, soliciting petition signatures to get candidates on ballots.  I said I'd sign one, but when it became clear that  I didn't live in the candidate's district, the volunteer snatched the clipboard out of my hands, presumably before I inadvertently disqualified his entire sheet of signatures.

The vanguard of the marchers consisted of some extremely energetic teens who belong to a group called The Crusaders.  They are Catholic teen pro-life activists.  I had marched with them once before, in my municipality's Fourth of July parade, a decade or so ago.  On that occasion, they were on roller blades.  Of course, ten years later, it was a different gaggle of teens, but it was the same organization.  On Saturday, there were no roller blades, but they had a drumline that pounded out a tattoo the entire way, and the teens whooped it up with chants and shouts, leaping and prancing as much as marching.  In short, they seemed to be having a blast.  As the preponderance of us were over the age of 40, the Crusaders injected a welcome dose of youthful exuberance into the proceedings.

When we reached the park, we all sort of stood around for a while, wondering what came next.  Eventually, the organizers managed to herd us near a makeshift speaker platform.  Then the second round of speeches commenced.  One of the speakers was Jeanne Ives, of whom I've written before at NewGathering.  She is a state representative, formerly obscure, who rose to prominence in last year's GOP gubernatorial primary, coming out of nowhere to get within a couple of points of knocking off incumbent (and pro-choice) then-Governor Bruce Rauner.  I have to say, her speech wasn't a barn-burner; she didn't seem fully engaged for some reason.

Then came a young woman who was a survivor of abandonment.  Immediately after her mother gave birth to her, she had been put into a garbage bag and tossed into a construction dumpster.  A construction crew foreman, cleaning up his site, had heard her wails as he was tossing debris into the dumpster.  He summoned some nurses from a nearby medical center.  She was rescued, revived, and eventually adopted.  Her adoptive parents told her her story when she was a teen.  I found her story to be pretty moving.  If you've read what I've written previously about Rest in His Arms, you know that the group tries to evangelize Safe Haven laws.

The last speaker was the best of all: Joe Scheidler, one of the true heroes of pro-life activism in the United States.  He was, at 92, the oldest person in the crowd that day.  One of the organizers described him as "the godfather" of the pro-life movement; inasmuch as he has been (unjustly) sued several times via novel applications of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) laws, that appellation seemed a little awkward.  But there is no doubt that he has been the tip of the spear of pro-life activism. At least three times, he and his organization have had cases in front of the US Supreme Court.  At 92, he is still stands up straight and speaks in a strong, clear voice.  He has been around long enough to have seen (and personally experienced) many victories and defeats.  He counseled courage and perseverance.

After a few more speakers, I was pushed onto the stage with the rest of the little folk band, and we sang "Let There Be Peace On Earth".  Then most of the group started drifting back to the parish.  The Crusaders were invited/ordered by their priest chaplain to remain behind to pray the Chaplet of Divine Mercy.  One of the organizers, who knows me, asked me if I'd like to join them, but at that point my feet were pretty sore from standing, so I made some lame excuse and returned with the main throng.

What, if anything, did it all accomplish?  Of course, I can't know.  It's possible it didn't amount to a hill of beans.  On the other hand, dozens, perhaps hundreds, of drivers and passengers along the main route through town were exposed to our messages and witness as we marched; some were pretty inconvenienced, as it took us 10 minutes or longer to cross the highway.  I found some of the speeches to be pretty interesting and even inspiring.  It's fair to say that it gave my pro-life principles a shot of adrenalin.  I'd like to attend next year, and I'll try to get some of the local deacons organized; we should be present at something like this.

 I don't know whether the world was changed.  But changing the world can be a journey, not an event, and perhaps this was a baby step along the way.

Further reflection was spurred by a couple of articles I saw this morning.  One, by David Leonhardt, an opinion columnist and pro-impeachment cheerleader at the New York Times, called for grassroots demonstrations and marches to try to tip the balance in the Senate toward conviction.  In support of his case, he cited the women's marches of 2017 as helping to swing public opinion toward the preservation of Obamacare at a time when the White House and both houses of Congress were in GOP hands.  He may be right.  And more generally, he surely is right that without grassroots activism, the status quo is likely to continue, with order imposed by the powers that be.

Leonhardt cites a recent Vox column by Matthew Yglesias.  Yglesias notes that the Democratic leadership in Congress is sufficiently old that Watergate probably is burned into their brains as the way to topple a presidency.  He believes that Pelosi et al are, consciously or not, following that basic template.  Yglesias positioned that process as a battle of elites, but he believes that times have changed, and questions whether that's the right approach.  He writes,
American elites rarely seem to do this, but they should consider the lesson that toppled Mariano Rajoy’s corrupt right-wing government in Spain in 2018Park Geun-hye’s corrupt right-wing government in South Korea in 2017, and Sigmundur Davíð Gunnlaugsson’s corrupt right-wing government in Iceland in 2016: Large-scale public protests work.
Yglesias also cites the activism in the wake of the deaths of Michael Brown in Ferguson, MO and Freddie Grey in Baltimore.

It's not difficult to think of other large-scale protests, here and abroad, that have sought change.  Peggy cites anti-Brexit protests in London in the post directly below this one.  The Tea Party was very much a grassroots effort which establishment conservative leaders and media had to sprint to get out in front of.  The so-called Arab Spring led to much change.  Recent teacher activism in West Virginia, Oklahoma and elsewhere had popular support.  And there is no doubt that activist tactics have helped keep the pro-life movement relevant.

Yglesias summarizes his views on marches and protests:
The mechanisms through which protest works seem multifaceted, with some of the impact driven by direct personal participation, some driven by witnessing the protest themselves, and some driven by media coverage which serves to rebroadcast key elements of the protest message. The key to it all, however, is that bothering to show up to a march is a moderately costly investment of time and energy. When a bunch of people do that, it serves as a powerful signal to the rest of society that something extraordinary is happening.

22 comments:

  1. Just some random thoughts. There are two issues (maybe more) that I believe the ship has sailed on, as far as a legislative solution helping. One is guns. The other is abortion. To use another cliché, the toothpaste is out of the tube, on both issues, for at least 40 years. However, I do believe that rallies and marches such as you attended can make a positive difference. Public opinion can be an influence for good. The advances of science and ultrasound technology I think have proved that a fetus is more than just a "clump of cells", if people choose to think about it at all critically. The argument that seems to carry the day is the one of the right of women to bodily integrity and autonomy. I am not going to argue against that. But I do argue that people have the power to do some bad things. The law isn't going to force them to do right. But appealing to their conscience and sense of fairness may convince them. Cancelling a life should be viewed as a very serious thing. There is an attempt by some feminists (I don't know if one would call them "third wave" or what) to normalize abortion. They attempt to take the "rare" out of "safe and legal". It's good if the rallies convince people that abortion shouldn't be "normal". I have read that young people are more likely to think abortion is wrong than the middle aged or older, don't know if that is accurate or not.
    Just a work of caution to those who think repealing Roe v Wade would be the game changer. It would be sure to cause a backlash and eventually a reversal.

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    1. Katherine- re: legislative solutions: I think they can still hurt, as the new laws in Illinois, New York and other blue states may demonstrate. Whether the inverse also is true, that more restrictive red state laws help, I am not certain. I'm somewhat skeptical. I read recently somewhere that Obamacare's paying for IUD and implants has lowered the incidence of abortion somewhat. That is a species of legislation.

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  2. My views on abortion (which are not aligned perfectly with Catholicism) changed a) when I had miscarriages, b) when I had a baby, and c) when I had to confront end-of-life decisions for my parents. In other words, they were informed by experience of and close proximity to life and death, not by rally rhetoric or teens having prancy-dancy fun.

    But that's just me.

    I agree with Katherine that a legislative final solution to end abortion will be elusive.

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  3. I have more ambivalence than either of you. Nevertheless, 11 out of 12 months every Saturday morning I pick up the two sidewalk counselors in front of the abortion clinic -- one is my wife; the other is the pillar of the pro-life movement, Susan -- and take them to Mass two blocks away at the anti-abortion clinic. Then I take them back and go about the family grocery shopping. When my wife and Susan go to the Lunch4Life I tag along and listen to the speakers. Normally, during October it is 40 Days for Life, and the parkway across from the clinic is manned during business hours by volunteers saying the rosary. Lately -- because Donald J. Trump is president -- it is hard to get volunteers because the problem (in the eyes of the no longer volunteering) is solved (whatever that means). So this month is Vigil for Life, with demonstrations only on Saturday, Tuesday and Thursday, the days abortions are performed.

    I occasionally get hooked into saying the Rosary on Saturdays. I don't like to for two reasons: First, Richard (whom Susan can't stand either) is there to loudly announce, "Mr. Blackburn is here, and he works for the devil, but even the devil can pray." Richard means it. I retired from the socialist, atheist, leftwing commie mainstream media. So I try to skip the rosary and avoid Richard.

    But I also figure that if I were a women with a problem pregnancy, I would have a male in the background, and maybe a second father or someone pushing me to have the abortion. And since I was p.g. due to a man and here due to two men, why would I take advice from some geezer who is also a man? So I provide logistic support to women but keep a low profile.

    I have to say that Richard and 90% of the sidewalk counselors and Rosary-sayers voted for Trump and think he is the best thing that happened to Christian America since St. Paul. One very sweet school teacher intuited (correctly) that my wife is unimpressed with the great hospitality industry moloch and hasn't spoken to her since.

    So there is that.

    The Justice Department -- Eric Holder, no less -- sued my wife and Susan for blocking the entrance (actually, it is marked as an Exit only, and they didn't block it) in a put-up job. I even felt sorry for the attorney they sent from Washington to put my frau in chains as she tried to explain that the abortion clinic had had film of the whole incident but, alas, inadvertently taped over it. Oh, yes, alas. And the Washington lawyer almost wet her pants when the judge asked why the police officer, who allegedly saw the whole thing, didn't ticket the blocked driver for entering at the exit. But when it turned out that the complaining officer didn't know who was in the car that was allegedly blocked, or where they came from, or where they went, and the judge threw Eric Holder's champion on her blue suit, we all guffawed mightily, the mainstream press along with the Trumpoleons and Trumpettes.

    Life is not dull.

    Anyhow, every now and then Susan and my wife talk someone out of it, and they are in touch with the mothers and resultant babies and little children. And that is wonderful. But as a movement, pro-life is mostly led by, and full of, dimwits and people who don't much like other people over the age of 9 months, in my experience.

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    1. Tom, I admire your wife. She's walking the walk. She's also doing what I can't bring myself to do.

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  4. I believe it was (then) Cardinal Ratzinger who said something to the effect that one may not in good conscience vote for a candidate because they are pro-choice, but may vote for them in spite of it. That's where I'm at. I will vote for whoever the Democrats run, not because they are pro-choice, but because they are against Trump.

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  5. I'm pretty skeptical of pro-life "rallies."

    A real pro-life movement consists of doing things like Hannah's Home where both lives matter. This is a local organization here in Lake County that provides a maternity home for young women. I think that there are now some Catholic colleges which have living arrangements that enable a pregnant women to continue her education and raise her child.

    The rallies seem to me to be just anti-abortion events that do not focus upon the real needs of pregnant women for emotional and financial support.

    There are a lot of "rallies" on the right and the left (e.g. peace and environment) that merely protest against the evils that other people do. All can be very self-righteous. And all these "rallies" can be used by politicians for their own gain.

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    1. Jack, I hadn't heard of Hannah's Home, it sounds like a good idea. There is a need for a safe refuge for women and their babies in difficult circumstances. I get the idea that it is very different from the homes 50 or 60 years ago. Young unmarried women had two options then; marry the father of the baby if he was willing, or go "away" for awhile to a home, and give the baby up for adoption. Most adoptions then were closed, with the records sealed.
      With the prevalence now of DNA testing, there is no such thing as a completely closed adoption, which could either be a good or a bad thing. At least the adoptees have a right to the medical history of their biological parents.

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    2. And definitely you are right that the rallies can be used for political gain.

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    3. The intersection at this event of morality and politics certainly was one of the aspects of it that interested me the most. Of course, politics can't be divorced from morality. I didn't object to the the presence of the two Illinois House members.

      The Trump banner was an issue for me. I wouldn't want a pro-life march to be perceived as a march for the president's re-election. But there are millions of pro-life voters who see it as a duty (and, probably for at least some of them, a pleasure) to vote for Trump, if for no other reason than to stop the other side, with its increasingly strident pro-choice ideology, from gaining the presidency.

      Jack, Hannah's House certainly seems worthwhile and worthy of support, but I don't think it exhausts the possibilities for pro-life civic engagement. This particular event I attended was educational in some broad sense, and it was also energizing. There is nothing wrong with that.

      Tom, and even more so his wife, exemplify yet another form of civic engagement - one that I believe is necessary, and takes some courage. Tom, I admire both of you for your witness.

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    4. About people who see it as a duty to vote for Trump because of the strident pro-choice ideology of the "other side". I see voting against him as a duty because he is an existential threat to our democracy, our economy, our foreign policy, and our environment. Not to mention he is an unmitigated loutish boor. There, got my "grave and sufficient" reasons.
      The Republican pro-lifers have their two conservative Trump appointed SCOTUS justices. Realistically that's all the power that a president really has over it. State governments may actually end up having more say-so about abortion policy than which party has the presidency.

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    5. Katherine, I agree to at least some extent about the limited ability of a president to have an impact on abortion-related questions. Of course, so much authority is now vested in the executive branch (arguably, too much authority) that the president still has a role to play in pro-life issues. Certainly, the president has broad authority via executive orders. He also can affect policy by his appointments to such government agencies as the Justice Department and HHS.

      A president's ability to veto legislation (e.g. an attempt to substantially modify or kill the Hyde Amendment) also is important.

      If the Supreme Court issues a decision that substantially alters the trajectory of Roe v Wade jurisprudence, the president's role becomes significantly more important. Of course, the anticipation, or fear, of the Court doing just that is driving much of our political division these days.

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  6. Just some discussion points:

    How useful is Trump to the pro-life activists now that he has appointed two conservative judges to the Supreme Court, giving them a majority?

    Do the pro-life activists think that Trump is still useful in that within another four years the president will likely have to replace Ginsberg, furthering the chance that a more solidly conservative bench would throw out Roe?

    Or do pro-life activists believe that Trump is more trouble than he's worth at this point?

    My guess is that Trump has created cracks in the solidarity of pro-lifers, if not in their overall aim to prevent abortion, certainly in the divisive person of Trump himself.

    Finally, is it smart political strategy for pro-lifer activists to pin all their hopes on the Court and Roe? Congress, if Roe is overturned, could try for a legislative fix to keep abortion legal. The country as a whole does not seem inclined to sanction a total ban on all abortion if polls are correct.

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    1. I believe that Roe v Wade was poorly decided. However it has been part of the legal landscape for 40-plus years. I don't think I am mistaken that there would be a backlash if it were to be reversed. Polls indicate a continuum of support or lack of it for abortion; with more support for life or health of the mother situations, severe fetal anomaly, or in the case of rape. Support goes down the later in pregnancy it occurs.

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    2. Pro-life activists don't trust Chief Justice Roberts, after what they see as his Obamacare betrayal. The possibility of flipping another SC seat is important to them. That sort of thinking is pretty simplistic; the Court, even with a solid conservative majority, may not be able to, or may choose not to, deliver what pro-life activists are hoping for.

      Speaking in very broad strokes: there are Catholic pro-lifers, and there are Evangelical pro-lifers. The latter are more solidly with Trump than the Catholics are, albeit mostly for reasons other than pro-life issues.

      Conservative Evangelical views tend to sort of leach into Catholic conservatism. Not sure how to say this without offending someone: this represents, in many ways, a failure of Catholic catechesis and formation.

      There are many conservative politicians who would be as useful to pro-life advocates as president as Trump is (Pence certainly would be on that list), and presumably the others wouldn't bring all the Trump baggage along. Thus the catastrophe of the 2016 GOP primary. If the Republican Party had figured out how to keep the nomination out of Trump's hands, we wouldn't be where we are today.

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    3. One common conservative critique of the Roe v Wade decision is that not only was it a bad decision on its merits; it also was a political process misstep, as it took the question of the legality of abortion out of the hands of state legislatures that were dealing with that question at the time of the decision.

      Looking at the state landscape now, we shouldn't mistake "dealing with it" for "reaching a broad consensus". Without Roe, we'd be looking at what amounts to a red-state legal consensus and a blue-state legal consensus.

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    4. I think you are right, Jim. When Roe v Wade was decided there were already states -- including Illinois -- to which one could go and get a quasi-legal abortion, and others in which bills to loosen up were gaining some purchase in their legislatures. IMO, if the Supremes waited awhile, there would have been a patchwork of states with legal abortions and no national issue. Bob Woodward said, in The Brethren, the pressure on the Court to act came upon the Minnesota Twins -- Chief Warren Burger and Blackman -- from doctors at the Mayo Clinic. The Twins were both Nixon appointees. (Nixon was a Republican.)

      For many years, if you had a gambling jones, you had to go to Nevada. If you wanted a quickie divorce, you went to Nevada -- Las Vegas especially for the first, Reno mainly for the second. The other 49 states felt no pressure from their well-heeled residents, who were taken care of, and the rest of us could wallow in our moral superiority. But, tant pis, pretty soon a lot of other states found themselves forced to authorize gambling. And not by public pressure. Florida rejected casinos in three separate referenda, but, lo!, we have it; the Republicans in power said they couldn't help it.

      So, as you suggest, there is a long history of vices being allowed in some states, with the concurrence of other vice-less states whose residents could indulge in vice for the price of a railroad or airline ticket. Which is where we would have been if the justices had stayed their hand, and where we will end up if Justices Kavanaugh and Gorsuch perform as they were hired to perform. (But, remember, Justice Kennedy was hired that way but failed to launch.)

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    5. Thanks. I guess I'm more interested in trying to determine how pro-life activists might justify clinging to Trump--who doesn't show much respect for women he has talked about grabbing or children he has separated from their parents--now that he has delivered two conservative justices.

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    6. Jean, I suggested above that many marginal or once a year pro-lifers consider the election of Trump -- actually the appointments of Gorsuch and Kavanaugh -- all they desired. In a perverse way, he weakened the movement by peforming as the Chosen One for whom they had prayed. I don't know how widespread that reaction has been; it certainly is the case in this little corner of the Catholic world, though.

      But I am not sure this has led them to abandon the hospitality genius who got them to the Promised Land. That, plus the abandonment of the Kurds, may move some votes in 2020, though.

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  7. Well, it ain't Katlick, but I could see making abortion illegal at the same time as making birth control ubiquitous and free along with user training. I'm sure my simple-minded idea has all kinds of holes so feel free to enlighten me. Morally, I figure if you're fornicating, you've already crossed the Rubicon unless there's a right way to fornicate.

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    1. According to a theology class I took in college, birth control was wrong because it violated the marriage covenant. If there was no marriage covenant, there was nothing to violate. Except you were already committing a mortal sin by fornicating. But the birth control didn't make it any worse. Of course that was Schillebeex (not sure I spelled it right) and it was 1969. So maybe a bit heterodox, I don't know. But it made a certain kind of sense.

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    2. Stanley, fornication is not a Rubicon for the men of the Church who decide these things. They can imagine themselves doing that, and some of them do. But no man can have an abortion, and so, therefore, for women who can, it is beyond the pale, across the Rubicon, etc., etc., etc.

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