Friday, January 11, 2019

The wall as symbol

In the ongoing discussion of the government shut-down, Anne made what I consider to be an excellent comment about the border wall for which President Trump is demanding funding.  Anne's comment included this observation:
...the wall symbolizes [Trump's] campaign and his campaign was based on inciting fear and loathing of Hispanics and of brown refugees who are not christian from other parts of the world.  The walls along the border have not always symbolized racism, but "the Wall" does now, at least to some degree. 
I think this is an astute point: the wall is not just a composite of steel and concrete along a ribbon of land; it is a political symbol that connotes something deeper.

Jonah Goldberg, a senior editor for National Review, expressed similar views regarding the wall and symbolism a couple of weeks ago:
The defining feature of American politics for the last half-century has been our increasing reliance on symbolism ... One the problems with symbolic politics is that it’s hard to compromise, because symbolism enlists notions of honor and identity that leave little room for haggling. In a fight over bread, you can agree on half a loaf, because half is better than nothing. But with symbols, it’s difficult to escape zero-sum thinking.  ...  
Trump’s wall is now an entirely symbolic affair. His biggest supporters insist that he has a mandate for one, and that it was his central campaign promise. I don’t think that’s right analytically. Only two things unified all Trump voters: his promise to not be Hillary Clinton, and his promise to appoint conservative judges. 
But none of that matters now because the symbolism is more important than the reality. Indeed, the president has offered to compromise, saying that we don’t have to call it a wall and it doesn’t even have to really look like one. But that doesn’t matter either, because for Democrats, any structure that the president could claim victory over would be a defeat.  
Immigration policy itself is something of an afterthought. Serious restrictionists readily concede that a wall would be far less useful than mandatory E-Verify and other such efforts to make hiring illegal immigrants more difficult. I’ve yet to meet a serious advocate for curtailing immigration — legal or illegal — who wouldn’t trade a wall for reform of the visa system. On the left, there are probably many who would trade a wall for reforms to their liking. But both sides understand that the base cares more about the symbolism of the wall fight.
Earlier this week, I heard a member of Illinois' congressional delegation, Republican Adam Kinzinger, express frustration over the government shutdown.  He declared his conviction that there are reasonable members in Congress on both sides of the aisle who, if given the opportunity, could resolve the current impasse in five minutes or less.  But it seems unlikely those cool heads will be given a chance.  Because the wall isn't just the wall; it's become a symbol.

8 comments:

  1. Where are the engineering studies? Where are the environmental impact statements? Where is the historical analysis? Where is the legal analysis (How much will the eminent domain cases cost?) What are the treaty obligations? Where is the budget item-by-item for the $5.7 billion? What is the time line for completion? What will the annual maintenance cost be?

    Without any of that, there is nothing Kinzinger or anyone else can make of the mess. It's all shambolic. Congress could probably pass a pretty good immigration bill if the leadership and POTUS would get out of the way.

    But it would probably constitute dereliction of duty for anyone in Congress to vote for the Wall in the absence of the basic up-front analysis.

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  2. The Wall is a dumbass idea, gated-community thinking, waste of money, of a piece with Trump's Keep Out Scary Brown People exec orders, shambolic, etc.

    But the main Dem argument against it seems to be that Trump wants it ergo, it must be rejected like the devil and all his works.

    Chuck and Nancy need to make a better case here.

    This has all become so personality driven it makes me sick and depressed. It's worse than the Nixon years because we seem to have no one with any statecraft skills anymore.

    There's no longer even a pretense of doing good for the country. It's just all about the next election cycle.

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    1. "...worse than the Nixon years", in my opinion Trump has way out-Nixoned Nixon. The difference is that the political parties and the balance of power are so different now.

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    2. The media seem to be working overtime countering Trump's lies point by point. I suppose the Nancychuck could repeat what the media says but logic seems to be of no use. As Ann says, it's a symbol now. Anytime you try to physically reify a symbol, it'll be an absurd mess.

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  3. Jean: There's no longer even a pretense of doing good for the country. It's just all about the next election cycle

    Yes.

    And what, if anything, will change this? It's been all about the next election cycle for a while, and it's not just the wall.

    I see little hope, but I'm a pessimist. Maybe others see a way out of the mess. I sure hope they make themselves known if they are in the political class.

    The first step would be dramatic reform in election financing. It would be very good to follow the example of some european countries - shorten the election season dramatically (weeks, not years) and ban all private money. When you ban the private money, the election season cannot drag on forever. Long election seasons don't produce better outcomes than that of the european countries obviously. Public funds only and very limited public funds.

    So how do you stop the various special interest groups from literally buying the congress and the presidency?

    McCain and Kennedy (I think it was Kennedy) tried - but politicians have no interest in financing reform and their efforts hit a solid brick wall.

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    1. Congress has at least twice passed (and embarrassed a president into signing) campaign finance reform. The 1974 act became unconstitutional because the Supreme Court said limiting a candidate's spending (which it did) would interfere with her free speech. So there is no limit of how much other people's money a candidate can spend.

      McCain-Feingold, passed in 2002, went at it from the other side by trying to limit how much money other people and corporations could give. That bit the dust in the Supreme Court in 2010 because corporations are people, my friend, and have free speech rights. (See above.) The Supreme Court is not required to make sense.

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    2. Tom, thanks.

      If anyone tries it again, there seems no chance, given the current and probably near future make-up of the Supreme Court. Yes - Feingold. Now it comes back. I couldn't remember who the Dem was, and too lazy to look it up. Just remembered that McCain and Kennedy had a close friendship and often worked together to try to bring their two sides of the aisle closer to together. Bi-partisan cooperation - another relic of an earlier era.

      McCain and Kennedy had a short radio show broadcast during rush hour every day, morning and evening. They would pick an issue and summarize the salient points about it from their party's point of view. They were good-natured in their sparring and I always enjoyed their spots - brief, but surprisingly informative.

      According to the WaPo the WH is already looking for the replacement for Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Congressional majorities may come and go, the WH party may come and go, but the Supreme Court is with us for a very long time.

      Sigh.

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  4. An overarching concern is that idiot politix leads to an idiot electorate. That is, when politicians appeal strictly to the viscera, only those motivated by visceral appeals will vote.

    I am certainly no brighter than the average Jane out here in the cornfield with whittling sticks, but I am seriously wondering "why bother?"

    The leadership is not arguing facts, specifics, offering analysis on an array of solutions, or doing much beyond name calling and character insults.
    The much vaunted young women Democrats have lots of moxie, but how is Ocasio-Cortes's ageism leveled at Pelosi any better than her charges that Trump is a racist?

    A pox on them all.

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